This Week in Wildlife
Law enforcement authorities finally took action against the far-right, antigovernment terrorists holding hostage an Oregon wildlife refuge that belongs to all Americans. Eight people were arrested and one was killed during a traffic stop on Tuesday, away from the refuge. Among the arrested were the occupation's leader, Ammon Bundy, and his brother Ryan Bundy, both sons of deadbeat rancher Cliven Bundy (who still owes all Americans a million bucks in back grazing fees). Last year's standoff on Bundy's Nevada ranch, in which militants were allowed to point loaded weapons at American law enforcement officers with no penalties, led directly to the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge occupation. Separately, Arizona's own hate-mongering militant Jon Eric Ritzheimer surrendered to authorities in Arizona, after issuing yet another plea for donations. Everyone involved will face federal charges of "conspiracy to impede officers of the United States from discharging their official duties through the use of force, intimidation, or threats, in violation of Title 18, United States Code, Section 372." We hope they face more than that, given their massive destruction of public property at the refuge.
The dead man, Robert LaVoy Finicum, told NBC News a few weeks ago that he would rather die than go to prison. Given that he was engaged in patently illegal actions, it's perhaps not surprising that he reportedly "charged" police rather than surrender. Some said he had surrendered before he was shot, but the video refutes that claim. Finicum has already attained martyr status in the anti-American fringe, but he was no hero. Although he called himself a "rancher," he admitted that most of his income came from fees paid to him by the state of Arizona for fostering children. In addition to having 11 of his own, he and his wife are reported to have fostered around 50 kids over the years. Fostering children who need a home is great, and we here at TWiA applaud those who do it well. In this case, though, it sounds like a revolving door in which raking in the government fees were more important than creating long-term connections with the children. What's also unknown at this point is how much free ranch labor all those foster children provided.
This hypocrisy is typical of the entire Malheur occupation. The occupiers constantly claimed that they were standing up for constitutional rights and freedom, with apparently no idea of what either of those things mean. The Malheur National Wildlife Refuge is not an illegal seizure of private lands by the federal government. It, and large swaths of Oregon and other Western states, were federally owned land before there was an Oregon. Those lands have never been in private hands (unless you count the local Paiutes, who lived on the land but didn't believe the earth could be "owned." The constitution says that the federal government can administer federal land, so there is no genuine constitutional argument favoring the occupiers' position.
The occupiers said they wanted to "give the land back" to the people, but the people they're talking about--they specifically said the Native population had given up their claim--are business interests. They want the land to be ranched and mined and logged--in other words, taking away land we all own jointly, as Americans, and turning it over to be exploited and destroyed for the private profits of a few. They called on other ranchers to follow Cliven Bundy's example and refuse to pay grazing fees for federal lands--not to take their cattle off federal lands, but to continue to use them without paying for them.
The "principle" these people said they were willing to "kill or be killed" for was the right to take even greater government handouts (the fees they pay are already a huge discount over fees paid for grazing on private lands). More realistically, they're people whose hatred for the elected government of the United States is so strong that they'll look for any excuse to take up arms against it. At least one of them was quoted as being a fan of Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh, who still holds a record for most Americans killed in a single domestic terrorism incident. The fact that they consider themselves "patriotic Americans" is mind-boggling.
As of Wednesday morning, there were still an unknown number of occupiers inside the refuge buildings (where they've done considerable damage--not just to the buildings but to archaeological sites and collections of Native artifacts). The children are all out, but many of those remaining inside say they're staying put. On Wednesday, Ammon Bundy called on them to go home, and three more turned themselves in to authorities. Federal authorities have surrounded the refuge and established checkpoints to keep out other militants with the ill-conceived notion of joining the occupation. Journalists have been leaving the refuge, heeding warnings from the FBI that their safety can no longer be guaranteed. Members of an organization called Operation Mutual Defense have put out a semiliterate call for armed volunteers to rush to the refuge, which will obviously put them in conflict with the federal officers staffing the checkpoints. One of the occupiers offered this helpful suggestion: "If they stop you from getting here, kill them." The FBI and other law enforcement agencies, it should be said, have demonstrated remarkable restraint and patience through all this.
There are concerns that this occupation--and the martyrdom of the man who lived off government largesse--will spur even more such actions on the anti-government right. A spokesperson for the Southern Poverty Law Center described these fears to the Washington Post (full disclosure: TWiA has been a long-time financial supporter of the SPLC):
“The fact that they took over this federal building is a new thing,” said Heidi Beirich, who tracks militias and paramilitary organizations for the Southern Poverty Law Center. “In the past, obviously we’ve had standoffs, but they’ve been standoffs that involved feds sieging properties that are owned by the militants.”
Beirich said that the standoff at the Bundy ranch in 2014, during which the federal government walked away from confrontation, may have given the occupiers a sense that they could have success in their latest effort.
“Up to that point, I don’t think people — even as crazy as some of the people in the militia movement are — thought that you could put a gun to a federal officer and not get arrested and actually get what you wanted,” Beirich said.
What is also new, Beirich said, is that militia groups are reaching out to people, ranchers and others, who may not share their fervent ideological views but do feel resentment toward some federal policies.
Beirich said that the biggest expansion of anti-government groups came after the bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City in 1995, when 168 people were killed by militia movement sympathizers Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols.
“For a little while, the bombing gave a boost to the movement,” Beirich said. “But then the federal government . . . started cracking down really hard on violators in the anti-government movement. And the movement started collapsing.”
“Where we sit right now,” she said, “the question is, ‘Does this further embolden these people? Or do cooler heads prevail and decide to quietly slink away?’ ”
This long piece in Harper's Magazine, focusing on Cliven Bundy, explains the details of his protest and the decades-long attack on Western lands by some (but far from all) ranchers and their Republican allies. As the article explains, "The wholesale transfer of public lands to state control may never be achieved. But the goal might be more subtle: to attack the value of public lands, to reduce their worth in the public eye, to diminish and defund the institutions that protect the land, and to neuter enforcement. Bernard DeVoto observed in the 1940s that no rancher in his right mind wanted to own the public lands himself. That would entail responsibility and stewardship. Worse, it would mean paying property taxes. What ranchers have always wanted, and what extractive industries in general want, is private exploitation with costs paid by the public."
What effect do thoughtless ranchers like Bundy have on the land? "Grazing is the chief cause of desertification in North America, and it has irrevocably altered the surviving ecosystems not yet reduced to dust. Cattle have been implicated in the eradication of native plants, the pollution of springs and streams, the denuding of cover for birds and mammals, the deforestation of hardwoods, and the monoculturing of grasslands. When the Department of the Interior completed its most recent analysis of the ecology of the public lands under BLM management, in 1994, the overall assessment was dire. The riparian areas in particular were found to be in their worst shape in recorded history. The report produced such a storm of outrage from the public-lands ranching lobby that when the BLM was given $40 million to conduct a similar study, in 2010, it exempted the impact of livestock to placate the ranchers."
Ranching does not have to be destructive to the land. But people like Bundy, who have survived for so long by taking advantage of an overly generous federal government, don't worry about conservation--they just want there to always be more land they can use at little or no cost, for when their cattle have trampled what they had. And they support their position by deliberate misreading of the Constitution. It's long past time to put a stop to these antics before more people are hurt or killed, and more of the land that belongs to us all is handed off to states that won't protect it or private interests out only to exploit it.
This article in Pacific Standard explains the legislative angle, and how big-money interests in the extractive industries are pushing for change. "Oil and gas trade groups, far-right activists, Republican Congressmen. This is the clique, more or less, that has turned its back on America's great conservation tradition. What's to gain? Power and money. One of the militants, Ryan Payne, put it succinctly: 'Land is power.' The goal, ultimately, is a huge re-distribution of wealth that will take your land, the people's land, more than 600 million acres of it, and put the majority into state or private hands. With environmental laws weakened, and federal holdings dissolved, mining interests, oil companies, real-estate developers and more will have easy access to the landscape's vast riches. As transfer activist Ken Ivory told NPR recently: 'There's more than 150 trillion dollars in minerals locked up in the Western states.' That says it all."
Conservatives talk about redistribution of wealth like it's a bad thing--unless they're the ones calling the shots. It's worth remembering that conservation used to be a Republican ideal--Teddy Roosevelt supported the National Park system, Richard Nixon established the EPA and passed the Clean Air Act. When it comes to the American landscape--particularly the Western landscapes that we all own, and from which we all benefit in ways obvious and obscure, even if we never set foot in them, we'll side with the conservationists over the conservatives every time.
TWiA's longstanding interest in Western ranching and land issues, familiarity with local ranchers, and concern about armed anti-government forces prompted this brief interruption of our hiatus, which will otherwise continue.
This Week in History Lessons
First, Republican presidential candidates are fond of comparing themselves to Ronald Reagan, who, the mythology says, so scared the Iranian regime that they released their hostages on the day that Jimmy Carter left office and Reagan took over. The truth is a bit more complicated--the hostages were released because of protracted negotiations between the Carter administration and the Iranians, and relief from sanctions that had frozen millions of dollars of Iranian assets. In other words, diplomacy. They waited until Carter had left office to free the hostages because Carter had been so hard on Iran that average Iranians considered him the personification of the "Great Satan." Reagan's role in all this? His campaign had reportedly pleaded with the Iranians not to release the hostages until after Reagan took office--which, you know, some people would consider absolutely despicable behavior--but the Iranians hated Carter so much that they had no intention of allowing the release while he was in office. The whole story is here.
* * *
Investigative journalist Jane Mayer looks at 1980 from a different perspective in her new book Dark Money. Her focus is not on Reagan's ascendance, but on the determination made that year that American conservatism needed a financial shot in the arm--that media and interest groups and candidates and politicians could all be coordinated, given enough monetary investment, to reverse the long trend toward Democratic control of Congress and most of the nation's statehouses. Leading the effort: the now-infamous Charles and David Koch, spending some of the fortune they had inherited from, among other things, their father's work building oil refineries for the Stalin and Hitler regimes.
This review of Dark Money describes their success: "Thirty years later, the midterm elections of 2010 ushered in the political system that the Kochs had spent so many years plotting to bring about. After the voting that year, Republicans dominated state legislatures; they controlled a clear majority of the governorships; they had taken one chamber of Congress and were on their way to winning the other. Perhaps most important, a good many of the Republicans who had won these offices were not middle-of-the-road pragmatists. They were antigovernment libertarians of the Kochs’ own political stripe. The brothers had spent or raised hundreds of millions of dollars to create majorities in their image. They had succeeded. And not merely at the polls: They had helped to finance and organize an interlocking network of think tanks, academic programs and news media outlets that far exceeded anything the liberal opposition could put together."
Conveniently, Mayer reveals, the "free-market" ideology espoused by the Kochs and their allies has the side effect of making the rich richer. Things that work against pure free-market capitalism include labor unions, which give the workers power in negotiating with their corporate overlords; and government regulations, which can require things like minimum wages and paid sick leave and environmental constraints. The review says (emphasis ours), "As ferocious as they have been in defense of free-market ideas, the Koch brothers are also acting out of tangible self-interest, Mayer argues. The Kochs made their money in the carbon business; they have diversified far beyond it over the years, but a stiff tax on carbon could have a significant impact on their bottom line. Mayer reports that an E.P.A. database identified Koch Industries in 2012 as the single biggest producer of toxic waste in the United States. The company has been in and out of federal court over the years as defendants in cases alleging careless and sometimes lethal flouting of clean-air and clear-water requirements. Several have paid tens of millions in fines to settle these cases. It is plausible that the Kochs and some members of their network are participating in politics largely to keep their fortunes intact. 'They said they were driven by principle,' Mayer writes of the Koch-led network, 'but their positions dovetailed seamlessly with their personal financial interests.'"
Los Bros Koch, your friendly neighborhood purveyors of toxic waste. No wonder they don't like those darned government regulations.
Mayer's book should help expose the lie that contemporary American conservatism is concerned with individual rights and freedom. It's about protecting the wealth of the wealthy, and it always has been. Groups like the Heritage Foundation and Americans for Prosperity were never grassroots organizations, but were created and financed by billionaires with the express intent of appearing to be grassroots, in order to sway voters to advocate against their own interests and in favor of the already powerful. Their wealth doesn't "trickle down," it consolidates. And their economic ideas have never been good for the middle class or the poor. But generations of dishonesty have convinced too many Americans--including all those running now for the Republican presidential nomination--that they are.
This Week in Naming Legislation
A law that should be uncontroversial (but probably won't be) was proposed in Congress this week, and it has the best name of any law ever: the "Flamethrowers? Really? Act." It would regulate flamethrowers like machine guns. Flamethowers are currently unregulated in all but two states. We wouldn't be surprised to learn there was a spike in sales after people in the Mid-Atlantic region realized how much snow they'd have to shovel after winter storm Jonas passed through.